Beth Wilkinson is fighting the Trump administration in court while still taking cases for clients with close ties to the president. The Washington trial lawyer has built a career on tough legal fights, even when her clients sit on opposite sides of politics.
Disney and ABC hired her to challenge a federal review that could cost eight ABC stations their broadcast licenses. The network sees the move as payback for critical shows, most of all jokes by Jimmy Kimmel that upset Donald Trump.
Inside a Washington, D.C., court, Wilkinson argued that the threat alone could make TV bosses wary of what they air. She accused the White House of using federal rules to punish speech it dislikes. The administration linked its review to an inquiry into hiring practices.
Her client list is quite a mix. She has helped Democrats, defended Brett Kavanaugh, and fought for tobacco firms, drugmakers, the NFL, and Microsoft. Her work shows that she puts the right to legal counsel ahead of any need to share a client's views.
Edward Bennett Williams took a similar path. The founder of Williams & Connolly worked for Senator Joe McCarthy and for writers accused of ties to communism. Yet that kind of cross-party law practice faces far more anger in Washington these days.
Lee Drutman, a political scientist, says each camp tends to view the other as a grave threat. That makes it harder for lawyers to move between them without facing claims of disloyalty.
Wilkinson grew up as the daughter of a Navy captain and went to Princeton on an ROTC scholarship. At the Justice Department, she sought a role in the Oklahoma City bombing case. Merrick Garland gave her that chance, and she went on to handle Timothy McVeigh's death-penalty closing argument.
Private practice brought a new set of clients. She had a brief stint as Fannie Mae's chief legal officer and left when the state took control of the firm. Her work earned her a name as the lawyer firms call when they want a trial rather than a deal.
At Paul Weiss, she urged young attorneys not to judge clients by their worst traits. Cali Arat recalls how that advice made her rethink the ethics of defending firms with poor public reputations.
Her political work grew through cases tied to Hillary Clinton's private email server and the Benghazi inquiry. She then left Paul Weiss to launch a firm with greater freedom over the cases she could accept.
Kavanaugh put that freedom to a real test. Wilkinson took his case as he faced sexual misconduct claims during his Supreme Court bid. Her staff could opt out of the work, but she stood by his right to defend himself.
The move drew backlash. Pete Buttigieg's campaign gave back donations from Wilkinson and a colleague due to her role in the nomination. She still held that support for women who report abuse can exist alongside fair legal defense for the accused.
David Ellison later hired her for Paramount's $111 billion deal to buy Warner Bros. Discovery. State officials had raised antitrust claims, while the Trump administration had backed the merger. Wilkinson's past win for Microsoft's $70 billion Activision Blizzard purchase helped make her a fit.
Paramount had also paid Trump $16 million to settle a case over a television interview. Critics saw a link between that payment and federal backing for the Warner deal. Paramount denied such a link, and Ellison said he had no role in the payout. The merger closed after a deal with state attorneys general.
Mike Davis, a Republican lawyer with ties to the Kavanaugh case, says Wilkinson can work well with Trump allies despite her Democratic links. He has even sent business clients her way.
The University of Virginia was another fraught case. Its board hired Wilkinson during a federal probe of campus diversity rules. President James Ryan later said she warned that he could face dismissal if he refused to quit. He left the post, though he disputed the claim that the school had broken the law.
But Wilkinson has fought the White House as well. She backed firms facing federal action and faulted peers that struck deals with Trump. She also represents Garland in claims from pardoned Capitol riot defendants.
Nexstar brought fresh heat from the left. The American Economic Liberties Project faulted the broadcaster over its handling of Kimmel and its proposed Tegna merger. It sought penalties for executives and sanctions against Wilkinson. Her firm faced no sanctions.
Nidhi Hegde, who leads the group, argues that defending ABC does not erase the harm she sees in media mergers. Her concern is that firms can gain more control over local outlets while lawyers help clear the legal path.
Senator Ruben Gallego has urged Democrats to reject attorneys who helped Trump or enabled graft. Norman Eisen, a former Obama lawyer, still backs legal work across party lines, though he sees why some people draw firmer limits.
Wilkinson has not set a firm rule for each case. She says firms that made hard deals with Trump may still deserve counsel, but she is less certain about defending officials accused of direct attacks on democracy. The debate centers on how far a lawyer can go for a client without taking on the client's politics.
Disney and ABC hired her to challenge a federal review that could cost eight ABC stations their broadcast licenses. The network sees the move as payback for critical shows, most of all jokes by Jimmy Kimmel that upset Donald Trump.
Inside a Washington, D.C., court, Wilkinson argued that the threat alone could make TV bosses wary of what they air. She accused the White House of using federal rules to punish speech it dislikes. The administration linked its review to an inquiry into hiring practices.
Her client list is quite a mix. She has helped Democrats, defended Brett Kavanaugh, and fought for tobacco firms, drugmakers, the NFL, and Microsoft. Her work shows that she puts the right to legal counsel ahead of any need to share a client's views.
Edward Bennett Williams took a similar path. The founder of Williams & Connolly worked for Senator Joe McCarthy and for writers accused of ties to communism. Yet that kind of cross-party law practice faces far more anger in Washington these days.
Lee Drutman, a political scientist, says each camp tends to view the other as a grave threat. That makes it harder for lawyers to move between them without facing claims of disloyalty.
Wilkinson grew up as the daughter of a Navy captain and went to Princeton on an ROTC scholarship. At the Justice Department, she sought a role in the Oklahoma City bombing case. Merrick Garland gave her that chance, and she went on to handle Timothy McVeigh's death-penalty closing argument.
Private practice brought a new set of clients. She had a brief stint as Fannie Mae's chief legal officer and left when the state took control of the firm. Her work earned her a name as the lawyer firms call when they want a trial rather than a deal.
At Paul Weiss, she urged young attorneys not to judge clients by their worst traits. Cali Arat recalls how that advice made her rethink the ethics of defending firms with poor public reputations.
Her political work grew through cases tied to Hillary Clinton's private email server and the Benghazi inquiry. She then left Paul Weiss to launch a firm with greater freedom over the cases she could accept.
Kavanaugh put that freedom to a real test. Wilkinson took his case as he faced sexual misconduct claims during his Supreme Court bid. Her staff could opt out of the work, but she stood by his right to defend himself.
The move drew backlash. Pete Buttigieg's campaign gave back donations from Wilkinson and a colleague due to her role in the nomination. She still held that support for women who report abuse can exist alongside fair legal defense for the accused.
David Ellison later hired her for Paramount's $111 billion deal to buy Warner Bros. Discovery. State officials had raised antitrust claims, while the Trump administration had backed the merger. Wilkinson's past win for Microsoft's $70 billion Activision Blizzard purchase helped make her a fit.
Paramount had also paid Trump $16 million to settle a case over a television interview. Critics saw a link between that payment and federal backing for the Warner deal. Paramount denied such a link, and Ellison said he had no role in the payout. The merger closed after a deal with state attorneys general.
Mike Davis, a Republican lawyer with ties to the Kavanaugh case, says Wilkinson can work well with Trump allies despite her Democratic links. He has even sent business clients her way.
The University of Virginia was another fraught case. Its board hired Wilkinson during a federal probe of campus diversity rules. President James Ryan later said she warned that he could face dismissal if he refused to quit. He left the post, though he disputed the claim that the school had broken the law.
But Wilkinson has fought the White House as well. She backed firms facing federal action and faulted peers that struck deals with Trump. She also represents Garland in claims from pardoned Capitol riot defendants.
Nexstar brought fresh heat from the left. The American Economic Liberties Project faulted the broadcaster over its handling of Kimmel and its proposed Tegna merger. It sought penalties for executives and sanctions against Wilkinson. Her firm faced no sanctions.
Nidhi Hegde, who leads the group, argues that defending ABC does not erase the harm she sees in media mergers. Her concern is that firms can gain more control over local outlets while lawyers help clear the legal path.
Senator Ruben Gallego has urged Democrats to reject attorneys who helped Trump or enabled graft. Norman Eisen, a former Obama lawyer, still backs legal work across party lines, though he sees why some people draw firmer limits.
Wilkinson has not set a firm rule for each case. She says firms that made hard deals with Trump may still deserve counsel, but she is less certain about defending officials accused of direct attacks on democracy. The debate centers on how far a lawyer can go for a client without taking on the client's politics.
