Zimbabwe faces tough choices yet again. People talk about this country everywhere - from news stations to churches, from business meetings to bars. Most speak about bad things happening there.
Many experts think another military takeover might happen soon. This reminds everyone of when Robert Mugabe lost power back in November 2017. The funny part? General Constantino Chiwenga and Emmerson Mnangagwa, who helped push Mugabe out, seem to have problems with each other these days.
Everyone keeps asking if Mnangagwa should stay president, especially since people want to change laws letting him rule past 2028. They wonder if Blessing Geza and Chiwenga can bring real freedom that Zimbabwe missed for over twenty years. People ask what Nelson Chamisa, who ran against Mnangagwa twice, plans to do next.
Some ask if Geza might team up with either Chamisa or if Mnangagwa might work with Chamisa to save his shaky leadership. Many wonder if the March 31 protests called by Geza will succeed today. If these protests fail, blame goes to how nasty Zimbabwe politics has become, with military forces making everything worse.
We need to check if Mnangagwa did better than Mugabe to decide whether he should finish his term through 2028. Remember, Mnangagwa has worked in government since 1980 as Mugabe's helper for more than fifty years. This means any mistakes under Mugabe partly belong to Mnangagwa, too.
We still see big differences between these two leaders. First, even though people called Mugabe mean, he never sent soldiers to hurt people protesting in downtown Harare. But Mnangagwa did this twice. The first time happened on August 1, 2018, when international news watched everything.
Soldiers attacked protesters who wanted the election results released faster after the July 31 voting that year. The Motlanthe Commission later proved that soldiers killed six people. Some victims had bullet wounds in their backs, showing they had run away or just walked around town minding their business when shot.
The commission asked the government to pay money to dead victims and help pay school fees for their children. They also wanted punishment for those who did the shooting. Sadly, none of those five requests ever happened. Instead, Lieutenant-General Anselem Nhamo Sanyatwe, who led that group, later got promoted. Right before this article came out, Sanyatwe became the new Sports Minister.
The second attack came January 18-20, 2019. President Mnangagwa raised fuel prices by 150 percent, making people protest across the country for three days. Security forces reportedly fired real bullets, killing 17 people and assaulting at least 17 women. The government shut down internet access to hide these awful acts from public view.
Politics also had problems during this time. Zimbabwe held two major elections under Mnangagwa in 2018 and 2023. Both elections caused arguments. Before the 2018 election, things seemed mostly calm, except for shootings after voting ended. But the 2023 election included voter scaring tactics, cheating, and direct vote theft.
Experts noticed the cheating started early with district line changes. A secret group called Forever Associates Zimbabwe helped the ruling party. Police stopped almost 100 rallies by Nelson Chamisa's Citizens Coalition for Change party. Voting places in areas supporting the opposition ran out of ballots in cities like Harare and Mutare.
For the first time, even official election watchers from neighboring countries agreed with international groups. They all said the 2023 election broke Zimbabwe's laws and regional voting standards. Despite these problems, Chamisa's party stopped the ruling ZANU-PF from gaining complete control in parliament and won all urban areas.
Then a fake person claiming leadership kicked out elected officials from Chamisa's party. This caused Chamisa to resign in January 2024, saying government forces had taken over his party. The promised economic recovery after Mugabe never happened either. When Mnangagwa took power in 2017, he claimed that Zimbabwe welcomed business investment and promised middle-class living standards by 2030.
Mnangagwa tried twice to bring back Zimbabwe's dollar but failed both times. The economy remains unstable, and nobody—not the government, businesses, or regular people—trusts the new ZiG currency. Major companies keep closing doors, forcing more businesses into unofficial markets. This caused the government to create new taxes to raise money, hurting official businesses even more.
About half of all Zimbabweans live in extreme poverty. Healthcare, schools, and local services have basically fallen apart. Social media shows roads full of holes, hospitals without medicine or equipment, and children learning in makeshift classrooms without proper buildings. Many financial experts blame widespread stealing and harsh government control policies that hurt businesses.
Because of these social, money, and political failures under Mnangagwa, many Zimbabweans hate his plan to stay until 2030. Even some members of his ZANU-PF party question why anyone wants him to extend term limits just to finish development projects. This reminds everyone of Mugabe, who claimed he needed to stay in charge from 2000 onward to complete his controversial land reform program.
Both leaders act like nobody else can finish what they started. They forget about letting new leaders take over or even the fact that everyone dies someday. The military plays a big role in Zimbabwe politics, especially after a strong opposition party formed in the early 2000s. Many historians trace this military influence back to the Mgagao Declaration of 1975.
During this declaration, fighters rejected leader Ndabaningi Sithole and put Mugabe in charge instead. Later, when Mugabe ran against Morgan Tsvangirai in 2002, General Vitalis Zvinavashe declared that the presidency must follow liberation struggle goals. Other military leaders kept saying similar things afterward.
General Chiwenga said in 2016 that the military members were permanent owners of the country. He claimed others just visited, but the military came with Zimbabwe itself. After taking power in 2017, Chiwenga also said defense forces had to protect liberation struggle gains whenever threatened.
Army commander Sanyatwe appeared on video at a ZANU-PF rally, saying people would be forced to vote. He claimed the party would rule forever, whether citizens liked it or not. Speaking as an Army Commander, he promised to use something called command voting. This happened after years of the army helping the ruling party and killing opposition supporters.
Most Zimbabweans distrust the Geza-Chiwenga faction for these reasons. Though Geza apologized to citizens on behalf of war veterans, nobody knows if people accepted this apology. The biggest problem remains the military. Each time Zimbabweans protested before, the army shot them with real bullets.
Many agree with the complaints against Mnangagwa regarding corruption and economic failure. But they fear what the army might do if they join protests. I asked about 25 people from Harare, Masvingo, and Bulawayo. All said corruption was their main concern and that they wanted Mnangagwa gone as soon as possible.
When asked about joining the March 31 protests, over 90 percent said they would rather watch and pray from home. Among these cautious people, 80 percent said they might have joined if Chamisa had led the movement. Otherwise, they feared being used again. This lack of trust between citizens and the military, plus the absence of leadership from Chamisa, hurts the chances for successful protests.
Can Chamisa work with either side? Despite resigning from his party in January 2024, his influence remains strong nationwide. Recent articles criticize him, suggesting he took money to support the current leadership. Others argue he should avoid ZANU-PF internal fights. A third group believes he should oppose corruption and constitutional changes.
This last group sees a chance for Chamisa and Geza/Chiwenga to unite against these national problems. Even loyal Chamisa supporters think this unity might create a transition government, instead of letting Geza/Chiwenga fight alone and claim everything like after the 2017 takeover. Many Zimbabweans believe this ruling party fight could lead to democratic changes.
People across Zimbabwe realize conditions have worsened since November 2017. This includes members of ZANU-PF, the military, and those who gave Mnangagwa a chance. Everyone sees healthcare, education, and other services falling apart regardless of political views. Only a few connected people benefit, while everyone else suffers in poverty.
The time seems right for Zimbabweans to discuss rebuilding their country together. Everyone feels pain and wants an economy that works for all citizens without leaving anyone behind. People seem to want the same thing - a fair democratic country focused on growth that includes everyone.
Many experts think another military takeover might happen soon. This reminds everyone of when Robert Mugabe lost power back in November 2017. The funny part? General Constantino Chiwenga and Emmerson Mnangagwa, who helped push Mugabe out, seem to have problems with each other these days.
Everyone keeps asking if Mnangagwa should stay president, especially since people want to change laws letting him rule past 2028. They wonder if Blessing Geza and Chiwenga can bring real freedom that Zimbabwe missed for over twenty years. People ask what Nelson Chamisa, who ran against Mnangagwa twice, plans to do next.
Some ask if Geza might team up with either Chamisa or if Mnangagwa might work with Chamisa to save his shaky leadership. Many wonder if the March 31 protests called by Geza will succeed today. If these protests fail, blame goes to how nasty Zimbabwe politics has become, with military forces making everything worse.
We need to check if Mnangagwa did better than Mugabe to decide whether he should finish his term through 2028. Remember, Mnangagwa has worked in government since 1980 as Mugabe's helper for more than fifty years. This means any mistakes under Mugabe partly belong to Mnangagwa, too.
We still see big differences between these two leaders. First, even though people called Mugabe mean, he never sent soldiers to hurt people protesting in downtown Harare. But Mnangagwa did this twice. The first time happened on August 1, 2018, when international news watched everything.
Soldiers attacked protesters who wanted the election results released faster after the July 31 voting that year. The Motlanthe Commission later proved that soldiers killed six people. Some victims had bullet wounds in their backs, showing they had run away or just walked around town minding their business when shot.
The commission asked the government to pay money to dead victims and help pay school fees for their children. They also wanted punishment for those who did the shooting. Sadly, none of those five requests ever happened. Instead, Lieutenant-General Anselem Nhamo Sanyatwe, who led that group, later got promoted. Right before this article came out, Sanyatwe became the new Sports Minister.
The second attack came January 18-20, 2019. President Mnangagwa raised fuel prices by 150 percent, making people protest across the country for three days. Security forces reportedly fired real bullets, killing 17 people and assaulting at least 17 women. The government shut down internet access to hide these awful acts from public view.
Politics also had problems during this time. Zimbabwe held two major elections under Mnangagwa in 2018 and 2023. Both elections caused arguments. Before the 2018 election, things seemed mostly calm, except for shootings after voting ended. But the 2023 election included voter scaring tactics, cheating, and direct vote theft.
Experts noticed the cheating started early with district line changes. A secret group called Forever Associates Zimbabwe helped the ruling party. Police stopped almost 100 rallies by Nelson Chamisa's Citizens Coalition for Change party. Voting places in areas supporting the opposition ran out of ballots in cities like Harare and Mutare.
For the first time, even official election watchers from neighboring countries agreed with international groups. They all said the 2023 election broke Zimbabwe's laws and regional voting standards. Despite these problems, Chamisa's party stopped the ruling ZANU-PF from gaining complete control in parliament and won all urban areas.
Then a fake person claiming leadership kicked out elected officials from Chamisa's party. This caused Chamisa to resign in January 2024, saying government forces had taken over his party. The promised economic recovery after Mugabe never happened either. When Mnangagwa took power in 2017, he claimed that Zimbabwe welcomed business investment and promised middle-class living standards by 2030.
Mnangagwa tried twice to bring back Zimbabwe's dollar but failed both times. The economy remains unstable, and nobody—not the government, businesses, or regular people—trusts the new ZiG currency. Major companies keep closing doors, forcing more businesses into unofficial markets. This caused the government to create new taxes to raise money, hurting official businesses even more.
About half of all Zimbabweans live in extreme poverty. Healthcare, schools, and local services have basically fallen apart. Social media shows roads full of holes, hospitals without medicine or equipment, and children learning in makeshift classrooms without proper buildings. Many financial experts blame widespread stealing and harsh government control policies that hurt businesses.
Because of these social, money, and political failures under Mnangagwa, many Zimbabweans hate his plan to stay until 2030. Even some members of his ZANU-PF party question why anyone wants him to extend term limits just to finish development projects. This reminds everyone of Mugabe, who claimed he needed to stay in charge from 2000 onward to complete his controversial land reform program.
Both leaders act like nobody else can finish what they started. They forget about letting new leaders take over or even the fact that everyone dies someday. The military plays a big role in Zimbabwe politics, especially after a strong opposition party formed in the early 2000s. Many historians trace this military influence back to the Mgagao Declaration of 1975.
During this declaration, fighters rejected leader Ndabaningi Sithole and put Mugabe in charge instead. Later, when Mugabe ran against Morgan Tsvangirai in 2002, General Vitalis Zvinavashe declared that the presidency must follow liberation struggle goals. Other military leaders kept saying similar things afterward.
General Chiwenga said in 2016 that the military members were permanent owners of the country. He claimed others just visited, but the military came with Zimbabwe itself. After taking power in 2017, Chiwenga also said defense forces had to protect liberation struggle gains whenever threatened.
Army commander Sanyatwe appeared on video at a ZANU-PF rally, saying people would be forced to vote. He claimed the party would rule forever, whether citizens liked it or not. Speaking as an Army Commander, he promised to use something called command voting. This happened after years of the army helping the ruling party and killing opposition supporters.
Most Zimbabweans distrust the Geza-Chiwenga faction for these reasons. Though Geza apologized to citizens on behalf of war veterans, nobody knows if people accepted this apology. The biggest problem remains the military. Each time Zimbabweans protested before, the army shot them with real bullets.
Many agree with the complaints against Mnangagwa regarding corruption and economic failure. But they fear what the army might do if they join protests. I asked about 25 people from Harare, Masvingo, and Bulawayo. All said corruption was their main concern and that they wanted Mnangagwa gone as soon as possible.
When asked about joining the March 31 protests, over 90 percent said they would rather watch and pray from home. Among these cautious people, 80 percent said they might have joined if Chamisa had led the movement. Otherwise, they feared being used again. This lack of trust between citizens and the military, plus the absence of leadership from Chamisa, hurts the chances for successful protests.
Can Chamisa work with either side? Despite resigning from his party in January 2024, his influence remains strong nationwide. Recent articles criticize him, suggesting he took money to support the current leadership. Others argue he should avoid ZANU-PF internal fights. A third group believes he should oppose corruption and constitutional changes.
This last group sees a chance for Chamisa and Geza/Chiwenga to unite against these national problems. Even loyal Chamisa supporters think this unity might create a transition government, instead of letting Geza/Chiwenga fight alone and claim everything like after the 2017 takeover. Many Zimbabweans believe this ruling party fight could lead to democratic changes.
People across Zimbabwe realize conditions have worsened since November 2017. This includes members of ZANU-PF, the military, and those who gave Mnangagwa a chance. Everyone sees healthcare, education, and other services falling apart regardless of political views. Only a few connected people benefit, while everyone else suffers in poverty.
The time seems right for Zimbabweans to discuss rebuilding their country together. Everyone feels pain and wants an economy that works for all citizens without leaving anyone behind. People seem to want the same thing - a fair democratic country focused on growth that includes everyone.
