Zimbabwe’s executive structure stands apart from its neighbors. The government includes a president and two vice presidents. This arrangement is unusual for the region. The current holders of these two posts are Constantino Chiwenga and Kembo Mohadi.
The dual vice-presidency is not a constitutional accident. It is a deliberate political mechanism. Its origins are found in the 1987 Unity Accord. The system was designed to manage internal factions within the ruling ZANU-PF party.
This political rivalry deteriorated into open conflict. The government, led by Mugabe, accused ZAPU of plotting a coup. This led to a harsh military crackdown starting in 1983. This conflict, centered mainly in the Matabeleland and Midlands regions, became known as the Gukurahundi. It was a dark period of state-led violence. The government deployed the Fifth Brigade, an elite military unit. The brigade’s actions resulted in the deaths of thousands of civilians, mostly unarmed ZAPU supporters. The violence aimed to crush political dissent and consolidate a one-party state under ZANU.
The fighting created deep political instability. It also attracted negative international attention. A political solution finally arrived on Dec. 22, 1987. After lengthy negotiations, Mugabe and Nkomo signed the Unity Accord. This agreement officially ended the Gukurahundi massacres. It also effectively merged the two rival parties into a single entity. The new party was named the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). This merger absorbed ZAPU into ZANU’s structure.
The pact was more than a simple merger. It was a carefully negotiated power-sharing deal. A central concession within the accord was the immediate restructuring of the executive. The agreement stipulated the creation of two vice-presidencies. One post was reserved for a senior member from the former ZANU, Robert Mugabe’s party. The second post was guaranteed for a senior member from the former ZAPU, Joshua Nkomo’s party. Nkomo himself became the first vice-president from the ZAPU bloc. This structure was intended to ensure representation for the minority group, end the violence, and maintain a fragile peace.
Section 92 of the Zimbabwe Constitution gives the president the authority to appoint cabinet members. Specifically, it states the president appoints "not more than two" vice presidents. This phrasing is permissive, not mandatory. It legally permits the dual system without strictly requiring it. It makes the second post a matter of presidential discretion. This flexibility allows the president to have one or two VPs as the political situation demands.
The 2013 constitution did, however, include a major transitional clause. This provision, often called the "running mate" clause, was scheduled to take effect in 2023. It was designed to change the system fundamentally. It would have required presidential candidates to nominate their running mates before an election. The winners would then serve as president and vice-president. This model, common in other countries, would almost certainly have resulted in only one vice-president. It would also have given the vice-president a separate electoral mandate, making them harder to dismiss.
That significant change never happened. In 2021, the ZANU-PF government, now ruling without the opposition, passed Constitutional Amendment No. 2. This wide-ranging amendment altered several parts of the constitution. It notably removed the "running mate" clause entirely, just before it was to become active. The removal solidified the president's sole power over the executive. The president retained the authority to appoint and dismiss, up to two vice presidents at will. This change cemented the vice-presidency as a tool of appointment rather than a position gained through a direct electoral mandate. It reinforced the system as a mechanism for political management and patronage.
The post-2017 government structure clearly demonstrates this modern function. President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s appointments to the vice-presidency reflect a careful balancing act. Mnangagwa himself came to power through a military intervention. The first vice-president, Constantino Chiwenga, is the former military general who led the 2017 operation, which removed Robert Mugabe from power. His appointment is non-negotiable. It secures the support of the powerful military faction within the party. Chiwenga’s position represents the continuing influence of the security establishment in national politics.
The second vice-president, Kembo Mohadi, fills the other, more traditional role. Mohadi is a veteran politician from Matabeleland South. He represents the ex-ZAPU bloc and the political interests of the Matabeleland region. This appointment honors the spirit of the 1987 accord. His reappointment in September 2023 underscored the perceived need to maintain this specific political balance. Mohadi had resigned in 2021 over a personal scandal. For more than two years, the post remained vacant. His return signaled that the ZAPU wing of the party still required formal representation at the top.
This arrangement allows the president to manage these powerful and competing interests. The system provides a way to reward loyalty from different wings of the party. It helps maintain a semblance of unity within a deeply factionalized organization. The vice-presidencies act as stabilizers. They ensure major blocs feel represented at the highest level of the state. It prevents internal disagreements from spilling over into open conflict.
Opponents of the system argue it is inefficient. They suggest it prioritizes internal party politics over effective governance and public service. The focus, they say, is on appeasing party heavyweights rather than streamlining the executive.
Despite these criticisms, the system endures. Proponents and political analysts often argue that the dual posts are a necessary tool for maintaining political stability. The ruling ZANU-PF party is not a monolithic entity. It is a coalition of different interests. Removing a vice-presidential post could upset this delicate balance. It might risk the fragmentation of the ruling party, which could lead to wider instability.
Zimbabwe has two vice-presidents because of a historical pact. That pact was designed to end a civil conflict. It has since been adapted into a flexible constitutional tool. Its primary function today is the management of the ruling party’s internal politics. It remains a key instrument for power-balancing in the nation's complex political landscape.
The dual vice-presidency is not a constitutional accident. It is a deliberate political mechanism. Its origins are found in the 1987 Unity Accord. The system was designed to manage internal factions within the ruling ZANU-PF party.
The historical root: The 1987 Unity Accord
The origins of the two-vice-president system trace back to a period of intense and violent conflict. After Zimbabwe gained independence from Britain in 1980, political tensions quickly escalated. The nation’s two main liberation parties, Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and Joshua Nkomo’s Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU), were partners in the liberation war. They became bitter rivals in peace. ZANU drew its support primarily from the majority Shona ethnic group. ZAPU’s support base was concentrated in the Ndebele-speaking regions of Matabeleland and the Midlands.This political rivalry deteriorated into open conflict. The government, led by Mugabe, accused ZAPU of plotting a coup. This led to a harsh military crackdown starting in 1983. This conflict, centered mainly in the Matabeleland and Midlands regions, became known as the Gukurahundi. It was a dark period of state-led violence. The government deployed the Fifth Brigade, an elite military unit. The brigade’s actions resulted in the deaths of thousands of civilians, mostly unarmed ZAPU supporters. The violence aimed to crush political dissent and consolidate a one-party state under ZANU.
The fighting created deep political instability. It also attracted negative international attention. A political solution finally arrived on Dec. 22, 1987. After lengthy negotiations, Mugabe and Nkomo signed the Unity Accord. This agreement officially ended the Gukurahundi massacres. It also effectively merged the two rival parties into a single entity. The new party was named the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). This merger absorbed ZAPU into ZANU’s structure.
The pact was more than a simple merger. It was a carefully negotiated power-sharing deal. A central concession within the accord was the immediate restructuring of the executive. The agreement stipulated the creation of two vice-presidencies. One post was reserved for a senior member from the former ZANU, Robert Mugabe’s party. The second post was guaranteed for a senior member from the former ZAPU, Joshua Nkomo’s party. Nkomo himself became the first vice-president from the ZAPU bloc. This structure was intended to ensure representation for the minority group, end the violence, and maintain a fragile peace.
Constitutional basis and political function
The power-sharing arrangement eventually found its way into the nation's legal framework. For many years, it was a political arrangement based on the 1987 accord. The 2013 Constitution provided a new, formal legal basis for the existing political practice. This constitution was drafted and adopted during a temporary government of national unity. That government included ZANU-PF and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change.Section 92 of the Zimbabwe Constitution gives the president the authority to appoint cabinet members. Specifically, it states the president appoints "not more than two" vice presidents. This phrasing is permissive, not mandatory. It legally permits the dual system without strictly requiring it. It makes the second post a matter of presidential discretion. This flexibility allows the president to have one or two VPs as the political situation demands.
The 2013 constitution did, however, include a major transitional clause. This provision, often called the "running mate" clause, was scheduled to take effect in 2023. It was designed to change the system fundamentally. It would have required presidential candidates to nominate their running mates before an election. The winners would then serve as president and vice-president. This model, common in other countries, would almost certainly have resulted in only one vice-president. It would also have given the vice-president a separate electoral mandate, making them harder to dismiss.
That significant change never happened. In 2021, the ZANU-PF government, now ruling without the opposition, passed Constitutional Amendment No. 2. This wide-ranging amendment altered several parts of the constitution. It notably removed the "running mate" clause entirely, just before it was to become active. The removal solidified the president's sole power over the executive. The president retained the authority to appoint and dismiss, up to two vice presidents at will. This change cemented the vice-presidency as a tool of appointment rather than a position gained through a direct electoral mandate. It reinforced the system as a mechanism for political management and patronage.
The modern role: Balancing ZANU-PF factions
The original purpose of the dual vice-presidency has evolved significantly. Its initial design was a specific solution to merge the old ZANU and ZAPU structures. Today, the system serves a broader, more flexible role. It is used to manage new and emerging factions within the post-Mugabe ZANU-PF. The party is not a unified body. It is a complex organization with competing centers of power, including regional blocs, business interests, and the security services.The post-2017 government structure clearly demonstrates this modern function. President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s appointments to the vice-presidency reflect a careful balancing act. Mnangagwa himself came to power through a military intervention. The first vice-president, Constantino Chiwenga, is the former military general who led the 2017 operation, which removed Robert Mugabe from power. His appointment is non-negotiable. It secures the support of the powerful military faction within the party. Chiwenga’s position represents the continuing influence of the security establishment in national politics.
The second vice-president, Kembo Mohadi, fills the other, more traditional role. Mohadi is a veteran politician from Matabeleland South. He represents the ex-ZAPU bloc and the political interests of the Matabeleland region. This appointment honors the spirit of the 1987 accord. His reappointment in September 2023 underscored the perceived need to maintain this specific political balance. Mohadi had resigned in 2021 over a personal scandal. For more than two years, the post remained vacant. His return signaled that the ZAPU wing of the party still required formal representation at the top.
This arrangement allows the president to manage these powerful and competing interests. The system provides a way to reward loyalty from different wings of the party. It helps maintain a semblance of unity within a deeply factionalized organization. The vice-presidencies act as stabilizers. They ensure major blocs feel represented at the highest level of the state. It prevents internal disagreements from spilling over into open conflict.
Cost, criticism, and political reality
The system of two vice-presidents is not without its detractors. Critics frequently point to the high cost of the arrangement. Maintaining two vice-presidential offices, including staff, security details, and benefits, places a significant burden on the national budget. Many argue this creates a "bloated" government. This criticism is especially sharp in a country facing persistent economic challenges.Opponents of the system argue it is inefficient. They suggest it prioritizes internal party politics over effective governance and public service. The focus, they say, is on appeasing party heavyweights rather than streamlining the executive.
Despite these criticisms, the system endures. Proponents and political analysts often argue that the dual posts are a necessary tool for maintaining political stability. The ruling ZANU-PF party is not a monolithic entity. It is a coalition of different interests. Removing a vice-presidential post could upset this delicate balance. It might risk the fragmentation of the ruling party, which could lead to wider instability.
Zimbabwe has two vice-presidents because of a historical pact. That pact was designed to end a civil conflict. It has since been adapted into a flexible constitutional tool. Its primary function today is the management of the ruling party’s internal politics. It remains a key instrument for power-balancing in the nation's complex political landscape.
